vendredi 9 mai 2014

Will the International war crimes inquiry ever take place in Sri Lanka ?

On March 26, the UN Human Rights Council has approved an international war crimes inquiry into alleged crimes committed during Sri Lanka's civil war. It has adopted a resolution that allows the Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights (OHCHR) to monitor progress and undertake a comprehensive investigation into atrocities committed between September 2008 and May 2009, before the end of the war, by the government army and the LTTE. Among the 41 countries participated in the Council, 23 voted in favour of the resolution, 12 against and 12 abstained from voting.
The Sri Lankan government has strongly rejected the allegations against it declaring “The resolution will not only constitute a serious breach of international law but also sets a precedence on the sovereignty of nations”.
Navi Pillay, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, who is very critical about the attitude of Sri Lankan Government since long time, has said that Sri Lanka has made "little progress" towards ensuring accountability for alleged atrocities and war crimes committed during the 26-year civil war against the Tamil fighters.

War crimes are prohibited by the Geneva Conventions, of which Sri Lanka is a signatory. In 2002 the International Criminal Court (ICC) was created by the Rome Statute to prosecute individuals for serious crimes, such as war crimes. Sri Lanka is not a signatory of the Rome Statute. Therefore it is only possible for the ICC to investigate and prosecute war crimes in Sri Lanka if the UN Security Council was to refer Sri Lanka to the ICC, which is unlikely.


Background of the resolution
Tamil people are an ethnic group native to the state of Tamil Nadu of India and to the northeast zone of Sri Lanka. This community mainly consisting of Hindus, with small section of Christians and Muslims, is the victim of civil war, which wreaks havoc across Sri Lanka since 1983. After the Independence in 1947, the conflict between the Sinhalese and Tamils only increase as the former consider the latter as Indian nationals. In 1949, the government withdrew the citizenship of a large part of the Tamil population to reduce their representation in the electorate from 33% to 20%. Then in 1956, the government changed the official language English by Sinhalese, which actually helped establishing the dominance of the Sinhalese Buddhist community in local government. The Sinhalese majority had imposed its language, culture and religion while monopolizing political power.
It was the year of 1971, when the Sri Lankan Government implemented the policy of standardization to rectify disparities created in university with the enrollment number of Tamil and Sinhalese students and later the government added district quota as a parameter within each languages, but the Sinhalese were in majority in number. Before that, the Tamil population enjoyed a kind of social dominance in the education structure because of their strong English background. But the advantage of quota system for the Sinhalese students pushed the number of Tamil students towards gradual declination in the universities. For example, in 1969, the Northern Province, which was largely populated by Tamils and comprised 7% of the population of the country, provided 27.5 percent of the entrants to science-based courses in Sri Lankan universities. By 1974, this was reduced to 7%. This is why an organization called Tamil Students League was born to oppose the law of standardization implemented by the government.
Later at the national level, in 1976 a pro-Independence organization named Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was created in Sri Lanka. After several attempts to restore the Tamil rights by forcing the Sinhalese Government, they took up arms in 1983, at the beginning of the militarization of the conflict. Officially, it is between 1983 and 2009, the civil war took place in Sri Lanka between the Sri Lankan Government dominated by the Sinhalese and the LTTE. The latter’s principle objective was to defend the rights of Tamil people in Sri Lanka. In fact, the Singhalese people have imposed their language, their culture and their religion on the Tamils by monopolizing the political power. This movement wants to establish historical Tamil Eelam, comprising the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

In 2009, the Sri Lankan military cornered LTTE in its area, after regaining all the cities controlled by it. The latter finally took refuge in the region of Mullaittivu with a civilian population between 150 000 to 300 000. During the final days of the war, the army put embargo on the media entering the combat zone. The 16th May, LTTE lost its access to the sea, which was vital for their supply. On 17th may 2009, LTTE finally surrendered and ended this 26 years long civil war by dropping their guns. On 18th may, Velupillai Pravakaran was killed in the hands of Sri Lankan forces. 

According to the local authorities, around 15,000 and 20,000 civilians were surrounded in that combat zone. This figure even goes up to 40,000 according to the UN. No one knows the exact number of dead and injured during the last phase of the combat. This secessionist war took over 100,000 lives and more than 800,000 people have become refugees. 



The reportage was done on last 18 may, the Sri Lankan Tamil community of France demonstrated at Paris’s Trocadéro against the persecution and torture it suffered in Sri Lanka, and to demand for an international enquiry into the atrocities committed by Sri Lankan Army.
After the announcement of the UN Human Rights Council’s decision, the Tamils are now expecting that the justice will be done and the perpetrators of human right violation will be punished.

In Sri Lanka, led by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, there is undeclared censorship on the freedom of speech and the liberty of press. Quite an important number of journalists and civil right activists are victims of repressive state apparatus. A few died, some are in prison and a handful took refuge in foreign countries.

In the South-Asian perspective, this ethnic conflict has greater political significance. It marks a number of points in Indian context. In Tamilnadu where the sentiment related to the persecution of Tamils in Sri Lanka continues playing an important role in the State politics. The issue has also created uproar in national politics. India got embroiled in Sri Lankan conflict by sending Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in the island to disarm the different Tamil militant groups under the mandate of Indi-Sri Lankan Accord in 1987, with the objective of ending the Civil War. But the action escalated into armed conflict between IPKF and LTTE. Finally IPKF was withdrawn in 1990. But there were a number of accusations of human right violation against the peacekeeping force. LTTE had took its revenge by killing one of the two signatories of the accord, then prime minister of India Rajib Gandhi in a terrorist attack in 1991.

The assassination had dented severely into the support base of LTTE in Tamilnadu, which shelters a large number of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees. 
After the IPKF debacle, the bilateral relation between India and Sri Lanka decorated gradually. But with the time, the subject turned again into an ethnic solidarity among the Tamil regional parties during the last phase of the war in 2009, and which remains alive in the political climate of the State, resulted in a number of violent incidents.

There are speculations that the Chinese government has helped Sri Lankan State with arms and other useful services. Those become convincing when one sees the Chinese as the biggest foreign investor in that country.

Thus, India must take notice of the changes in Sri Lanka for its own regional interest.
The provincial council election in the north of Sri Lanka was held in September 2013 and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), which is the political proxy of the LTTE, won 30 out of 38 seats.
The election result has threatened to reignite the tension between the government and the Tamils. Many in the north appear unwilling to give up longstanding claims to greater autonomy despite economic development and significant investment in infrastructure in the north since the end of the war.

Informations compiled by Jayanta Chakrabarty

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